Friday, December 16, 2016

Coal scam: Court summons ex-coal secretary H C Gupta

Coal scam: Court summons ex-coal secretary H C Gupta

Former coal secretary H C Gupta has been summoned as accused by a special court in a case of alleged irregularities in allocation of a Chattisgarh-based coal block to SKS Ispat and Power Ltd (SIPL).
    
Gupta, already facing prosecution in seven cases related to the coal scam, was summoned for the alleged offences of forgery, cheating, criminal conspiracy and criminal misconduct.
    
Besides Gupta, special CBI judge Bharat Parashar also summoned senior government official K S Kropha, the firm, its two directors Anil Gupta and Deepak Gupta, and three others -- Amit Singh, Rakesh Singh and Jagan Nath Panda -- as accused in the case.
    
The court passed the order after taking cognisance of the CBI charge sheet which has claimed that the accused misrepresented facts before the screening committee in relation to the land and net worth of the company.
    
The final report alleged that the accused hatched a criminal conspiracy to cheat the screening committee to bag mining contract for Fatehpur coal block in Chattisgarh.
    
According to the charge sheet, SIPL, which had got Fatehpur coal block in Chhattisgarh in 2008, misrepresented on aspects of preparedness and was ineligible on the issue of net worth. CBI had registered an FIR in the matter in 2014.
    
The former coal secretary had on August 16 told the court that he intended to "face trial from inside the jail" and withdraw his personal bond to secure bail due to financial difficulties. However, he later withdrew his plea.
    
Seven charge sheets have already been filed against Gupta in separate coal cases and proceedings are going on individually. The Supreme Court had recently dismissed his plea seeking joint trial in all these cases.
    
Some of the cases in which Gupta was summoned as accused by the court include those relating to alleged irregularities in allocation of Thesgora-B Rudrapuri coal block to Kamal Sponge Steel and Power Ltd (KSSPL) and allocation of Moira and Madhujore (North and South) coal blocks in West Bengal's Raniganj area to Vikash Metal and Power Ltd.
    
He is also accused in a case of alleged irregularities in the allotment of the Amarkonda Murgadangal coal block to two companies of Jindal Group and allocation of Brahmapuri coal block in Madhya Pradesh to Pushp Steels and Mining Pvt Ltd.

Pathankot terror strike: NIA to file charge sheet next week

Pathankot terror strike: NIA to file charge sheet next week.

NIA is likely to file a comprehensive charge sheet in the Pathankot airbase terror attack next week, naming Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammed chief Masood Azhar, along with his brother Rauf Asghar, as accused.
    
The charge sheet is likely to highlight the role of Jaish terror group in spreading mayhem in India and refer to the nefarious plans of the outfit, sources said.
    
Immediately after the Pathankot incident, Rauf had hosted a video message claiming the responsibility for the terror strike and glorified the role of his brother Azhar, who was released in exchange for passengers of hijacked Indian Airlines plane IC-814 in 1999.
    
India will be using the charge sheet of NIA at various international fora to highlight the role of Masood Azhar in the case relating to the Pathankot terror strike carried out on January 2 this year.
    
Launch of a diplomatic offensive against the Jaish and its chief Masood Azhar became an imperative after China continued to spurn efforts of India in getting UN sanctions against the terrorist and his group.
    
The Home Ministry had given sanction to NIA to file the charge sheet against Azhar, his brother and two handlers of four terrorists -- Qashif Jan and Shaid Latif, under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).
    
The four terrorists, after entering into India from Bamiyal area of Gurdaspur, had carried out the strike at the Pathankot IAF base killing eight people including seven personnel of IAF and NSG.
    
The charge sheet will name four terrorists involved in the attack as against six claimed by NSG.
    
According to NIA, the terrorists, who were killed after two days of gunfight, were identified as Nasir Hussain, Hafiz Abu Bakar, Umar Farooq and Abdul Qayum and they were residents
of Vehari (Punjab), Gujranwala (Punjab), Sanghar (Sindh) and Sukkur (Sindh) of Pakistan respectively.
    
The charge sheet will also include evidence of linking the footprints of one of the terrorists obtained from Bamiyal besides matching of DNA sample found from a soft drink can in the hijacked car of Punjab Superintendent of Police Salwinder Singh.
    
The Pathankot terror strike had seen a joint investigation team from Pakistan also arriving in India for carrying out a thorough probe.
    
However, the Pakistani team, upon their return, claimed that India neither shared much of evidence nor allowed it to interrogate the security personnel involved in dealing with the attack.

CBDT issues notifications of the Taxation Laws Act, 2016

CBDT issues notifications of the Taxation Laws Act, 2016

The Taxation Laws (Second Amendment) Act, 2016 has come into force on December 15th, 2016 under the scheme of Taxation and Investment Regime for Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Yojana, 2016.
The scheme shall commence on December 17th, 2016, and shall remain open for declarations up till March 31st, 2017 notifies Central Board of direct Taxation (CBDT).
The rules in this regard have been notified vide Notification No.116 dated December 16th, 2016 and have been placed in public domain. 
A separate notification has been issued for Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Deposit Scheme, 2016 by Department of Economic Affairs. 
The salient features of the scheme include declaration under the scheme can be made by any person in respect of undisclosed income in the form of cash or deposits in an account with bank or post office or specified entity, tax at 30 percent of the undisclosed income, surcharge at 33 percent of tax and penalty at 10 percent of such income is payable besides mandatory deposit of 25 percent of the undisclosed income in Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Deposit Scheme, 2016. 
Also, the income declared under the Scheme shall not be included in the total income of the declarant under the Income-tax Act for any assessment year. 
The declarations made under the Scheme shall not be admissible as evidence under any Act (eg. Central Excise Act, Wealth-tax Act, Companies Act etc.). 
However, no immunity will be available under Criminal Acts mentioned in section 199-O of the Scheme.
Non-declaration of undisclosed cash or deposit in accounts under the Scheme will render such undisclosed income liable to tax, surcharge and cess totalling to 77.25 percent of such income if declared in the return of income. 
In case the same is not shown in the return of income a further penalty at 10 percent of tax shall also be levied followed by prosecution. It may be noted that the provisions for levy of penalty for misreporting of income at 200 percent of tax payable under section 270A of the Income-tax Act have not been amended and shall continue to apply with respect to cases falling under the said section.
The Taxation Laws (Second Amendment) Act, 2016 has also amended the penalty provisions in respect of search and seizure cases. The existing slab for the penalty of 10 percent, 20 percent and 60 percent of income levied under section 271AAB has been rationalised to 30 percent of income if the income is admitted and taxes are paid. Otherwise, a penalty at 60 percent of income shall be levied.

Swamy files complaint against Ratan Tata in 2G matter

Swamy files complaint against Ratan Tata in 2G matter

A criminal complaint was today filed by BJP MP Subramanian Swamy against Ratan Tata, former Telecom minister A Raja, former corporate lobbyist Niira Radia and others before a special court seeking their prosecution in relation to the 2G spectrum allocation scam.
The complaint, filed before special judge O P Saini, alleged that the CBI "purposely" left out Tata, his group companies, Radia, and some others. The court has put up the matter for consideration on January 11.
Swamy has also sought action against Unitech MD Sanjay Chandra, other officials of his firm and the "erring" CBI personnel who allegedly did not probe the matter seriously.
The complaint has sought their prosecution under several sections of IPC including 409 (criminal breach of trust), 420 (cheating), 463 (forgery) and 120-B (criminal conspiracy) and under the relevant provisions of Prevention of Corruption Act and Prevention of Money Laundering Act.

Aircel-Maxis deal

Aircel-Maxis deal: SC notice to CBIED on attachment of Aircel’s assets

The Supreme Court on Friday issued notice to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED) on a plea seeking to attach Aircel’s assets. 
The plea seeks attachment of assets, saying the company is “involved” in the Aircel-Maxis deal case. Malaysia-based Maxis group controls Aircel in India. 
The petitioner said investigative on attaching Aircel’s assets is taking at a tardy pace as Aircel promoters are not responding to multiple summons issued to them.
The properties of Sun TV network, another accused in the case, had already been attached, said the petitioner. 
The apex court has posted the matter for further hearing on January 6. 
Meanwhile, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Subramanian Swami said, “It is my matter. My interlocutory application no. 78 is now going to be heard on January 6. The court issued direction that my application should be listed for January 6.”
“Mr Prashant Bhushan, based on my petition, said that Maxis is trying to sell the spectrum and run away, because they have been caught in my investigation, in my complaint. Therefore, they should not be allowed to sell the spectrum. On that the notice was issued,” he added. 

Demonetization - Black Money-1

 Image result for demonetization black moneyImage result for demonetization black money


Image result for demonetization black money
13 Ways In Which Indians Will Convert Their Black Money Into White Even After Demonetisation 
1. Temple donations. There are reports of people giving their black money to temple 'hundis' or donation boxes. Temple managements will show this money as anonymous donations, exchange it for new currency notes, keep a commission for this service, and return most of it to the owner. The government has already clarified that temple hundis will not be asked questions. ABP news showed a sting operation in which the priest of Govardhan temple in Mathura was willing to convert Rs 50 lakh of black money into white for a 20% commission. There have been such reports from different parts of the country.
2. Back-dated FDs in co-operative banks and credit societies. Since such institutions still do a lot of their work manually, they are reports they have issued fixed deposit receipts in back date. Owners of black money have reportedly been able to get various FDs in such institutions in names of various villagers in back dates, and will receive new currency notes in due course, after paying a cut to those in whose name they deposited the money. Non-banking financial institutions who accept such deposits are also reportedly acting similarly in helping convert black money into white. Such institutions have long been alleged to be indulging in money laundering. The level of regulation of such institutions differs from state to state.
3. Using poor people as money mules. As the poor stand in queues at banks to exchange their currency notes, there are reports of them being used to convert black money into white. This doesn't even need a co-operative bank. Black money are reportedly finding poor people to deposit Rs 2.5 lakh in cash, since the government has said deposits up to that amount won't be questioned. Such people will then ask to withdraw the entire amount soon, keep some to themselves and return most of it. Since this requires trust, black money hoarders are first and foremost using their staff and their relatives.
4. Giving loans to poor people. Funnelling money through poor people whose bank transactions will not arouse suspicion, is giving way to many creative enterprises. There are also people willing to give interest free loans to the poor - which may seem like a good impact of demonetisation but is actually an effort to convert black money into white and defeat the purpose.
5. Finding Jan Dhan account holders. Jan Dhan accounts have started showing high cash deposits since demonetisation and a part of it is suspected to be black money being laundered. The problem with using poor people as money mules is that they may not have bank accounts. With the banking system overloaded, opening new accounts may take a few days. The government keeps boasting about having opened crores of Jan Dhan accounts but most have seen barely any transactions. Jan Dhan accounts can have deposits up to Rs 1 lakh a year but there are also Jan Dhan accounts which have a lower limit of Rs 50,000 if they don't adhere to Know Your Customer norms. While the government says it will monitor unusual activity in Jan Dhan accounts, it will be easy for a poor person to say the small amount was his life saving at home. There have been concerns about the use of Jan Dhan accounts for hawala operations since the scheme was launched in 2014.
6. Approaching the banknote mafia. Overnight, a banknote mafia has emerged. These are people accepting old Rs 500 and 1,000 notes and giving back anywhere from 15% to 80% of the value in Rs 100 notes. The people collecting old notes will be able to earn a profit by converting them into white, new currency through poor people, or through other means
7. Paying advance salaries. Businesses having black money have reportedly used old notes of Rs 500 and 1,000 to pay advance salaries for anywhere between the next 3 to 8 months. The idea is to pay each employee less than Rs 2.5 lakh - the limit above which deposits will be examined. In Gujarat, some businesses are reported to have opened salary accounts and deposit advance salaries, keeping their debit cards with company itself. This way they will be able to deposit old currency notes before 30 December and withdraw new ones easily, without attracting the attention of the income tax department.
8. Booking and cancelling train tickets. Since old notes are being accepted till 14 November to book train tickets, there has been a surge in booking expensive train tickets that people intend to later cancel and get refunds in new notes, with a small cancellation fee. The number of expensive first AC tickets booked per day have increased by many times. As a result, the railways have said refunds won't be in cash. But since these bookings are being made through travel agents, even refunds through electronic transfers mean the travel agent will be able to return large sums in new currency notes.
9. Using professional money laundering firms. Run by chartered accountants, there are money laundering companies, most famously in Kolkata but elsewhere too, which specialise in converting black money into white while evading the taxman. Known as 'jama-kharchi' firms in Kolkata and pad-pedi in Mumbai or, they launder money by using businesses such as highway transport which run completely on cash. These 'cash-in-hand' firms match the needs of companies which need short-term funds with those who have excess black money to park. Showing back-dated transactions in the current fiscal is not difficult for such firms. They are said to be burning the midnight oil till 30 December.
10. Buying gold. Gold prices shot up because many black money hoarders rushed to jewellery shops as soon as prime minister Narendra Modi made the demonetisation announcement on 8 November. Many black money owners made the most of four hours they had and bought gold till midnight. There have also been reports, again, of gold selling in back-dated transactions. Jewellers happily sold gold at a high premium. In some shops the demand was so high there was pandemonium with buyers fighting amongst each other to be able to buy first. The government has asked top jewellers to give details of gold transactions after the demonetisation.
11. Using farmers. Since agricultural income is not taxed, a farmer can easily say he got this much cash from the mandi by selling his produce before demonetisation, and here's the old currency, now please exchange it for new one. In this way, any farmer could help launder money, from old currency notes to new ones, for a cut. An investment advisor told Rediff, "The agricultural income in this country is going to be fabulously high this year, immaterial if the crop is good or poor."
12. Using political parties. Since political parties can collect donations of Rs 20,000 or less without having to reveal who donated the money, let alone their income tax PAN number, they will have the easiest time with demonetisation. A political party can say it collected this amount of cash in old currency donations before demonetisation and demand that it be changed into new currency by 30 December. That also raises the fear that political parties could actually use this method to launder black money of individuals within and without their party.
13. Brazenly putting it in the bank. The finance ministry said those who deposit large sums of cash that don't match their income, may have to pay up to 200% tax. In other words, their money could be confiscated and they may have to pay the same amount as penalty. However, income tax authorities say this may not be legally possible. One can put in a large amount of cash in bank, show it as income from 'other sources' in the current assessment year, and pay 33% income tax on it. To be able to levy income tax penalty on your deposit, the government will have to be able to prove you didn't earn this cash in the current assessment year.

Privatisation of power distribution in Delhi has been a landmark success

Privatisation of power distribution in Delhi has been a landmark success


July 2012 marks the 10th year of successful privatisation of power distribution in the National Capital Territory of Delhi by two private players – Reliance Infrastructure and Tata Power. In fact, the past decade has been truly remarkable.

In the context that power sector woes have reached crisis proportions, this success story not only gives hope to the planners and policy makers but also provides them with a tried and tested approach that can be successfully replicated in the other parts of the country.

Legacy that was inherited

The year 2002 marked the beginning of a long and assiduous journey. The very phase was in complete shambles and on the brink of an almost collapse. Electricity theft was rampant and the system looked financially unviable and unsustainable. There was near zero investment on network up gradation. Transformer and equipment failures were rampant and led to frequent unplanned outages for long durations. The concept of customer care was unheard of. To say the least, it was a very challenging situation. In order to induce a complete overhaul, the private players focused on several factors that needed improvements and introduced innovative concepts that actually worked.

Customer services

Relentless focus on customer has meant that service levels not only exceed those provided by the best utilities in the world but are also comparable to benchmarks established in highly competitive sectors like telecom and banking. Well skilled customer care staff along with robust systems and processes has meant consistent delivery of world class service. A noteworthy example of the extent of customer centricity and focus is the “doorstep service” launched recently, wherein customers' complaints and requests are catered to at his doorstep itself.

Reliable & quality power supply network

Large investments in network and technology (Rs 6,500 crore) along with streamlining of systems and processes, has meant dramatic improvements in quality and reliability of supply.

Five to six years down the line, typically a Delhi resident was completely exasperated by 4 to 5 hours of daily power cut. At least things have changed as he may now experience merely 4 to 5 hours interruptions in the entire year. A true testimony of the fact that reliability levels in Delhi are now comparable to international benchmarks.

Also, lights do not dim anymore and TV screens do not contract during peak hours. It is interesting to note that sales of generator sets, inverters and stabilisers have dropped considerably.

Unprecedented Loss Reduction

One of the most critical challenges faced by power sector in India today, is the exceptionally high technical & commercial (AT&C) losses, universally prevalent across all distribution utilities.

The first and foremost concern was to bring down power theft, a serious issue and a major contributor of loss, in Delhi. Interestingly, post privatisation it was soon brought down to 5 per cent from 45 per cent. That has also led to unprecedented reduction in commercial losses.

This unprecedented loss reduction is the single most important factor responsible for easing the significant upward pressures on tariff levels in recent years, due to sharply rising input costs.

Containing Operational Costs

Relentless focus on productivity enhancement through continuous improvements in systems and processes by adoption of best industry practices has yielded impressive results.

Despite, average inflation of 7-8 per cent per annum, operating cost has seen significant declining trend as seen in the chart above.

Benefits to government

Loss reduction has meant a whopping Rs 30,000 crore cumulative savings till date to Delhi Government and Rs 5,000 crore every year here after.

This has clearly translated into more money being available to build physical and social infrastructure in Delhi (schools, colleges, hospitals, roads, metros etc).

Key success factors

The phenomenal success of Delhi privatisation initiative has been based on a multi-pronged approach with a special focus on mobilising support from all key stakeholders.

a. State Government played its crucial enabling role by instituting special courts and providing dedicated police force to utility companies, absolutely vital for containing theft.
b. Being people intensive business, “Buy in” of employees was critical and they were taken into confidence even before the entire reform process was initiated. Not only their employment benefits were protected but also career growth possibilities in the new set-up were highlighted.
c. Customers were informed of the changes taking place. Very often, customers have unrealistic expectations from privatisation process and there is a need to moderate the same. They were made to understand that changes would take time and transformation can be achieved with their active involvement.

Conclusion

Aggregate loss of distribution utilities nationwide in FY-12 is estimated at staggering Rs 120,000 crore (~1.5 per cent of GDP). Poor financial health has resulted in inadequate investments leading to not only serious power shortage scenario but also poor quality of supply. Unless health of this sector is restored with a sense of urgency, it has the potential to derail the fast pace of India’s growing economic might.

Clearly, we have to find a national will towards cost-reflective tariffs. At the same time, the need of the hour is to induct greater efficiencies into distribution utilities by replicating Delhi’s success story, all across the country.

Privatization Of The Indian Power Sector


Privatization Of The Indian Power Sector

The power sector in India has witnessed tremendous improvements the last 4-5 years, the path forward however isn't smooth. There are many challenges to overcome mainly due to the implementation problems faced in our country and the gap that exists between what is actually planned what is implemented. This term paper highlights some of these gaps and attempts to analyze the problem. We analyze the risks prevalent in the industry, and the steps required to overcome these. The government contribution and control over this sector has been immense and needs to be studied in great detail. We have then taken the case of the Orissa State Electricity Board and draw conclusions on how it was implemented and also identify the key lessons that would benefit in the future implementations of a power sector privatization.

CURRENT SCENARIO IN INDIA

The power sector on the whole can be divided into three parts Generation, Transmission and Distribution. India has the fifth largest generation capacity in the world with an installed capacity of 152 GW as on 30 September 2009  , which is less than 5% of the global power generation. The installed capacity of India as of July 2008 was 167278.36 MW. The power generation in India is basically fuel based of which thermal power generation dominates. The graph below shows the various means used to generate power and also that thermal power for which coal is a prime input.

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Though the emphasis has always been there on the power sector through government spending and the five year plans, the implementation of power projects have always been a concern. The planned targets have hardly been achieved. The Indian government has allocated huge budgets and set ambitious goals to achieve in the 11th plan, which if successful could lead to a huge expansion in the power generation. However, over the years we have always seen a mismatch between the planned targets and the achievements. This trend can be observed from the graph below -

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Already the targets for the first few years of the 11th five year plans have not been achieved. Some of the reasons can also be attributed to the shortage of fuel for generation of power. Even in the transmission and distribution sector there has been investments planned to handle the additional capacity.

DOMINANCE OF STATE AND CENTRAL UTILITIES

There was a general belief that the power sector had to be vertically integrated with the generation, transmission and distribution being controlled by a monopoly player. Since, power was vital for the economic growth, it had to be in the hands of the government. So in India also, the entire power sector was controlled by the government through the State Electricity Boards and Central Agencies. The power sector had a very low share of private players operating. The graph below shows the distribution of the installed capacities -
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In the generation space, out of the overall capacity of 152 GW, the share of central and state utilities stands at 49.8 GW and 76.6 GW, respectively; and that of private sector stands at 25.8 GW. Even, of the 78.7 GW planned capacity additions during the 11th five-year-plan, central and state utilities together are estimated to add nearly 63.7 GW  . Similarly, transmission and distribution is also dominated by Power Grid Corporation and State Electricity Boards.
The conditions prevalent earlier and presence of high regulations, this sector was not favorable for the private players to enter into this sector. There were entry barriers, extensive licensing rules set up by the government which prevented private players in participating in the industry. Also, the cost of setting up a generation plant or a distribution network was quite high.
Also, due to the vital nature of power, Government had to cross subsidize the power between different consumer classes. This made the market inefficient and hence, a deterrent to the private players. However, during the recent times, there has been a trend reversal and the private players have made an entry into this sector. We have seen huge corporate houses like the ADAG Group, Birla Group foraying into this industry in India. We have also seen a few success stories with the private players in this setup. One such case will be discussed later in the paper.

KEY CHALLENGES AND DRIVERS FOR SUCCESS

The industry as a whole faces some challenges which need to be addressed before we see great improvements in this sector. The below table summarizes the challenges faced and some of the measures that could be adopted to overcome the challenges.
The issues that could creep up are given in the resulting issues column along with the key drivers for success.
How privatization would solve the problem of increasing generation capacity would be discussed in the next couple of sections. Fuel availability is a grave concern with the industry dependent on gas and coal. Some of the players already have bought coal mines outside India, but the demand-supply gap still exists. There have been some problems in this regards as well. The main international market for coal supply to India - Indonesia might change its regulations towards foreign countries. The planned targets from captive coal mines in India have also not been achieved. The only other option in this regard is to look at other forms of energy such as the nuclear energy. This however, has a long way to go before it becomes the main supplier of power in India. The plant equipment shortage also exists as the government projects are usually with the already burdened public sector units like BHEL which is struggling to complete projects on time. This has impacted in the capacity building plans of Government another reason why the government should move towards privatization. Setting up large generation, distribution units require land which is difficult to acquire due to bureaucracy and other government regulations.
With regards to manpower shortage, there is a general notion that talent shortage in the power and infrastructure sector is a long term problem and is likely to continue to push up project costs and risks. The flow of has been gradually reducing up as candidates have sought an alternative and more lucrative career options. The Government, which sponsors a majority of the capital projects has not done enough to address this issue. Training the graduates is the most viable option even though this could push up the project costs to a certain extent.

DRIVE TOWARDS PRIVATIZATION

From the above discussion, we can clearly observe the need to try out something different to benefit the power sector and the option available in the sight is privatization. Some of the evident advantages of privatization are -
Implementation issues of power projects could be solved
Technological advancement through increased R&D spend to gain competitive advantage
Increased investment - Foreign investments
Improves revenue realization making the service more efficient
More players to cover up for the deficit
It is usually assumed that private players would execute the projects with greater efficiency and hence, the implementation issues could be resolved. There would be greater investments in this sector to derive the best and gain a competitive edge while making the business viable. Hence, the technology used currently could undergo a revamp and make great advancement through greater spend in research and development. The foreign player who are currently keen on investment in India's growth story could bring in better technology, investment and the expertise to carry out large power projects. This would also bring in greater efficiency and as a result of privatization we could see greater number of player competing. The power deficit currently faced by the country could be addressed due to the existence of large number of players and also there could be a gain for the consumers through price wars and existence of a competitive market.

PAVING THE WAY FOR PRIVATIZATION

The government has also realized that there is a scope for improvisation and sees the advantages of privatization. Since, this is a heavily regulated sector Government regulations play a huge role in driving the privatization. It has now undertaken some actions that could pave the way ahead for the privatization of the sector and encourage greater investments from the private sector. Some others like the Land Acquisition Bill are yet to be passed but currently facing some political resistance. The reforms taken by the government are -
Electricity Act, 2003 is an historic legislation, which not only integrates the previous three Acts, but goes beyond in trying to create a competitive environment.
Consumer is the central point of this legislation and the main features are:
Promoting competition for benefit of the consumers.
Effective mechanism for redressal of consumers' grievances
Regulatory oversight for transparency
Measures to control theft of power
Special measures for power in rural areas
Facilitates Investment by creating competitive Environment
Entry Barriers removed/reduced
Generation de-licensed
Freedom to captive generation including group captive.
Recognizing trading as an independent activity.
Open access in transmission already in place.
Open access to consumers above 1 MW within five years commencing from 27th January, 2004 (date of enforcement of amendment of Electricity Act).
Multiple licenses in distribution.
Regulatory Commissions - to develop market; fix tariff
The key reforms that were a turning point towards privatization were
Removed the need for license
Competition through international competitive bidding
Unbundling - Transmission viewed as a separate activity
The other policies and key reforms undertaken were
Unbundling of SEBs
Tax Benefits
National Tariff Policy of 2006
Allocation of captive coal blocks to private companies
Accelerated Power Development and Reform Program (APDRP) for distribution, permission for trading of power, etc.
The Ministry of Power had signed an MOU with the International Energy Agency in April, 1998 for cooperation in the power sector [6] . With some of these steps undertaken, the government has paved way for privatization and the power sector is set to grow at a rapid pace. We have seen success in the case of Orissa State Electricity to an extent as well as the Delhi Distribution Privatization.

ORISSA STATE ELECTRICITY BOARD PRIVATIZATION

INTRODUCTION

Orissa is the 9th largest state in India, and is the eleventh largest by population. The coast line and the natural reources of Orissa form its greatest strengths. At the same time, Orissa's contribution to the GDP of India has been less than 2 percent. Infact, the rate of development in Orissa has been very less with GDP growth touching a maximum of 7%(YoY) in the early 1990s.
As a result, the state's overall growth was crippled and being majorly an agricultural economy, it faced a major challenge in terms of development. The state remained poverty stricken and the government was looking at opportunities through which development could be achieved, to lift the state from its present problems.

NEW ECONOMIC REFORMS

In the year 1992, the government of India, opened up its markets for international trade and investment. State governments and government owned enterprises were encouraged to seek the support in terms of finances and technology to improve the sick state of their enterprises.
It was around this stage that several sectors saw a flurry of investments in various sectors. Governments became more open to the idea of sharing their monopoly, especially in sectors which their expertise was limited.
The government of Orissa during that period considered power reforms as one of the primary means of getting out of this trap. By inviting expertise into their power sector, they looked to this opportunity as a means of providing quality service and at the same time encourage development.

THE POWER SECTOR IN ORISSA

The power sector in Orissa was managed entirely government at all three stages, viz. production, distribution and the transmission. The Orissa State Electricity Board managed the entirety of the above operations. An absence of cost plus tariff led to low revenue and higher loan capital. OSEB's tariff level was low and industrial sector's share in total consumption declined from 69% in 1960/61 to 31% in 1996/97. There was high T&D loss in the form of technical and commercial losses (unauthorised connection, faulty meters and misclassification of consumers).
The power sector in Orissa suffered from
high transmission and distribution losses,
inadequate accountability for various segments (generation, transmission, and distribution),
poor financial performance, poor quality of service and manpower related issues
There was a pressing need to solve the financial problems of Orissa State Electricity Board (OSEB) as well. There was also a pressing need to meet the projected demand of funds for investment in generation, transmission and distribution system. The National Economic Policy announced in 1991 envisaged liberalisation and private participation in infrastructure development, and this looked like the life line for the government itself.

Beginning of Power Reforms in Orissa

The first comprehensive restructuring and reform exercise was carried out by Orissa State Electricity Board (OSEB) in India and was the pioneer in South East for the same. Several leading management consultants and multilateral agencies like World Bank, Department of International Development (DFID) - Government of UK, Asian Development Bank. The experience of Orissa would in future prove to be useful for the formulation of reforms in other states aspiring to do the same.

Restructuring the Power Sector

The World Bank agreement for Power Sector restructuring in Orissa consisted of
Unbundling and corporatization of OSEB
Privatization of generation, Grid Corporation, and distribution
Creating Competition for new generation capacity
Establishing a Separate regulatory body
Tariff Reform

  • At the core of the reform process was to envisage more autonomy for the host utility and involvement of the private sector in power sector development. The role of the government would thereby be more passive and there was a need for the Orissa government to shift from its earlier active role.

Reform Process

The reform process that was started in Orissa was carried out in a phased manner. The initial stage was setting up of the regulation commission namely the Orissa Electricity Regulatory Commission. It was decided that the setting up of this board would be of utmost importance and thus the roles were defined.
The role of OERC was to:
Take measures to ensure that an efficient electricity industry is set up in the State
Issue licenses for transmission and distribution and set tariff
Safeguard the interests of consumers
Ensure that monopolization was removed from the system
Reforming of electricity tariff at the bulk power, transmission, and retail levels

Reform Phase I

The first phase of the reforms was to be started with the unbundling and corporatization process of the various departments in the erstwhile OSEB.

Unbundling and Corporatization

Three Government-owned corporate utilities were formed with agreement ensuring full autonomy with effect from 1st April 1996. Their roles and responsibilities were well defines with their independent boards. These were:
Orissa Hydro Power Corporation (OHPC) - responsible for hydro power generation
Grid Corporation of Orissa (GRIDCO) - responsible for transmission and distribution functions
Orissa Power Generation Company (OPGC)- Responsible for thermal power generation

OPGC Divestment

In the year 1998, 49% of the shares of OPGC were divested by the Orissa Government in favour of a mechanism to include international partners through strategic bidding. The AES bid, at Rs 6.03 billion ($ 144.5 million), was the highest among bids from firms including the UK's PowerGen Plc, local firm BSES, and Tata, Reliance and Hindalco group companies.
By a detailed shareholders agreement, 41% of the share were transferred by the Government of Orissa to the AES corporation and another 8% were allotted to them in the name of their subsidiary in Mauritius.

Reform Phase II

In the second phase of the reform process, it was decided that the privatisation of the distribution activiites would be carried out by the company

Privatisation of Distribution Expenses

The processes were carried out in the following steps by the government of Orissa
Govt. of Orissa transferred the distribution assets and properties along with personnel of GRIDCO to four distribution companies CESCO, NESCO, WESCO and SOUTHCO
Through a process of international competitive bidding, GRIDCO disinvested 51% share to Private Sector Investors keeping a share holding 39% with it and 10% share for Employees Welfare Trust.
GRIDCO purchases power from independent generation utilities e.g. NTPC, OHPC, OPGC, IPPs, CPPs and provides it to four privatised distribution companies who in turn cater to the need of customers.
The new shareholding pattern of the various parts of the new structure is detailed below.

S No Entity Government (%) Private (%)

1
GRIDCO1000
2
WESCO4951(Bombay Suburban Electricity Supply Company)
3
NESCO4951(BSES)
4
SOUTHCO4951(BSES)
5
CESCO4951(AES Transpower)
6
OPGC5149(AES Transpower)

Impact of Reforms

There have been positive and negative aspects of the reforms that have taken place in Orissa.
Following the power sector reform, the net cash flow for Government of Orissa has improved significantly
The total electrified area in the state has increased by 13% over the last decade.
Orissa has been consistently registering a YoY increase in GDP of an average of 12% over the last 6 years
However at the same time, there have been a few questions of the entire divestment process that has been carried out by the state of Orissa. Few statistics show the real and true state of affairs in Orissa.
The T&D losses that were assumed to be 39.5%, were actually greater than 50%. OERC based their Tariff Order considering 35% T&D losses, leading to an additional T&D loss of 15% being absorbed by GRIDCO as losses.
Private distribution companies are unable to pay GRIDCO and hence have caused shadow on the overall reform exercise.
Non metered supply to most agriculture consumers made it impossible to estimate the true extent of the T&D losses
Even though 100% Collection Efficiency was assumed by FY98, the actual collection was 83% in FY99

Political Context

However, despite all the reasons given by the government to go for a divestment, there have been questions on the actual motives of the same.
The restructuring activity carried out by Orissa government on the compulsive directions from the World Bank, which at that time indicated that it would fund projects only where restructuring was carried out as a prerequisite.
The then chief minister of Orissa, Biju Patnaik clearly saw the impending bankruptcy looming in the power sector. He found the World Banks' proposals as the only way out.
Thus we can see that political gains were also on the top of the governments at that time and thus there were several vested interests as well.

CONCLUSIONS

The state of Orissa was the first to proceed with a reform programme in response to the World Bank's offer. While its estimated percentage of T & D losses was high and collection of bills was low, the state had the advantage of a relatively small agricultural load and hence it needed a lower agricultural subsidy.
To make distribution more attractive 75% of the shared financial liabilities were transferred to the publicly held transmission sector. Generation was made more attractive by increasing the price charged to GRIDCO, which however was not allowed to pass on the price increase to the distribution companies. Thus GRIDCO built up enormous liabilities that undermined its long term viability.
Revenues from privatisation were not ploughed back into the sector but absorbed into the government budget for other purposes.
Subsequently substantial tariff increases were imposed on the public but with few improvements in service, leading to growing public discontent.